The Proposed U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement

[Excerpt] The proposed U.S.-Colombia Trade Promotion Agreement, also called the U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement (CFTA), was signed by the United States and Colombia on November 22, 2006. The agreement must be approved by Congress before it can enter into force. Upon congressional approval, it would immediately eliminate duties on 80% of U.S. exports of consumer and industrial products to Colombia. An additional 7% of U.S. exports would receive duty-free treatment within five years of implementation, and most remaining tariffs would be eliminated within 10 years of implementation. The agreement also contains other provisions in services, investment, intellectual property rights protection, labor, and the environment. About 90% of U.S. imports from Colombia enter the United States duty-free under trade preference programs or through normal trade relations, while U.S. exports to Colombia face duties of up to 20%. It is possible that the 112th may consider implementing legislation for the proposed CFTA. Negotiations for the agreement were conducted under the trade promotion authority (TPA), also called fast-track trade authority, that Congress granted the President under the Bipartisan Trade Promotion Act of 2002 (P.L. 107-210). The authority allowed the President to enter into trade agreements that would receive expedited congressional consideration (no amendments and limited debate). Implementing legislation for the CFTA (H.R. 5724/S. 2830) was introduced in the 110th Congress on April 8, 2008, under TPA. The House leadership, however, took the position that the President had submitted the implementing legislation without adequately fulfilling the TPA requirement for consultation with Congress. On April 10, 2008, the House voted 224-195 to make the provisions establishing expedited procedures, inapplicable to the CFTA implementing legislation (H.Res. 1092). In his January 2011 State of the Union address, President Barack Obama mentioned the importance of opening foreign markets for U.S. goods and services, and strengthening U.S. trade relations with Colombia. In 2010, the Administration initiated a new National Export Initiative (NEI), which includes a component that calls for opening new markets for U.S. exports by resolving outstanding issues on the pending CFTA. The Obama Administration also has made a case for pursuing free trade agreements as part of the National Security Strategy of the United States, though the CFTA is not specifically mentioned in the report. The congressional debate surrounding the agreement has mostly centered on the violence issues in Colombia. Some members of Congress oppose the agreement because of concerns about violence against union members and other terrorist activity in Colombia. However, numerous members of Congress support the CFTA and take issue with these charges, stating that Colombia has made progress in recent years to curb the violence in the country. They also contend that the agreement would open the Colombian market for U.S. exporters. Other policymakers argue that Colombia is a crucial ally of the United States in Latin America and that if the trade agreement is not passed, it may lead to further violence in the region. For Colombia, a free trade agreement with the United States is part of its overall economic development strategy. The United States is Colombia’s leading trade partner. Colombia accounts for a very small percentage of U.S. trade (0.8% in 2009), ranking 22nd among U.S. export markets and 27th as a source of U.S. imports. Economic studies on the impact of a U.S.-Colombia free trade agreement (FTA) have found that, upon full implementation of an agreement, the impact on the United States would be positive but very small due to the small size of the Colombian economy when compared to that of the United States (about 1.6%)

Industry Trade Effects Related to NAFTA

CRS ReportCRSIndustryTradeNAFTARL31386.pdf: 3834 downloads, before Oct. 1, 2020

NAFTA and the Mexican Economy

The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), in effect since January 1994, plays a very strong role in the bilateral economic relationship between Mexico and the United States. The two countries are also closely tied in areas not directly related to trade and investment such as security, environmental, migration, and health issues. The effects of NAFTA on Mexico and the state of the Mexican economy have important impacts on U.S. economic and political interests. As NAFTA approaches its 15th anniversary, a number of policymakers have raised the issue of revisiting NAFTA and renegotiating parts of the agreement. Some important factors in evaluating NAFTA include the effects of the agreement on Mexico and how these relate to U.S.-Mexico economic relations. In the 110th Congress, major issues of concern have been related mostly to economic conditions in Mexico, the effect of NAFTA on the United States and Mexico, and Mexican migrant workers in the United States. In 1990, then Mexican President Carlos Salinas de Gortari approached the United States with the idea of forming a free trade agreement (FTA). Mexico’s main motivation in pursuing an FTA with the United States was to stabilize the Mexican economy by attracting foreign direct investment. The Mexican economy had experienced many difficulties throughout most of the 1980s with a significant deepening of poverty. The intention of Mexico in entering NAFTA was to increase export diversification by attracting foreign direct investment (FDI), which would help create jobs, increase wage rates, and reduce poverty. At the time that NAFTA went into effect, the expectation among supporters was that the agreement would improve investor confidence in Mexico, attract investment, and narrow the income differentials between Mexico and the United States and Canada. Measuring the effects of NAFTA on the Mexican economy is difficult because the economy was also affected by other factors, such as economic cycles in the United States (Mexico’s largest trading partner) and currency fluctuations. In addition, Mexico’s unilateral trade liberalization measures of the 1980s and the currency crisis of 1995 both affected economic growth, per capita gross domestic product (GDP), and real wages. While NAFTA may have brought economic and social benefits to the Mexican economy as a whole, the benefits have not been evenly distributed throughout the country. Wages and employment tend to be higher in states experiencing higher levels of FDI and trade. The agricultural sector experienced a higher amount of worker displacement after NAFTA because of increased competition from the United States and because of Mexican domestic agricultural reforms. In terms of regional effects, initial conditions in Mexico determined which Mexican states experienced stronger economic growth as a result of NAFTA. States with higher levels of telecommunications and transportation infrastructure gained more benefits than poorer states with lower levels of education, infrastructure, and institutional capacity. Some economists argue that while trade liberalization may narrow income disparities over the long run with other countries, it may indirectly lead to larger disparities in income levels within a country. This report will be updated as events warrant

Bose-Einstein condensation in quasi-2D systems: applications to high Tc superconductivity

We describe high-Tc superconductivity in layered materials within a BCS theory as a BEC of massless-like Cooper pairons satisfying a linear dispersion relation, and propagating within quasi-2D layers of finite width defined by the charge distribution about the CuO_2 planes. We obtain a closed formula for the critical temperature, Tc, that depends on the layer width, the binding energy of Cooper's pairs, and the average in-plane penetration depth. This formula reasonably reproduces empirical values of superconducting transition temperatures for several different cuprate materials near the optimal doping regime, as well as for YBCO films with different doping degrees.Comment: 5 pages, 1 figur

The impact of maternal BMI, gestational weight gain, and breastfeeding on early childhood weight: Analysis of a statewide WIC dataset

Early childhood obesity is a persistent health concern with more frequent and significant impact on low-income families. Maternal weight factors impact offspring weight status, but evidence on whether breastfeeding protects against this impact is mixed. This analysis examined a model to predict early childhood obesity risk, simultaneously accounting for maternal pre-pregnancy body mass index (BMI), gestational weight gain, and breastfeeding. The team analyzed 27,016 unique maternal-child dyadic records collected via the Supplemental Nutrition Program for Wisconsin Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) between 2009 and 2011. Generalized Linear Modeling, specifically logistic regression, was used to predict a child\u27s risk of obesity given the mother\u27s pre-pregnancy BMI, gestational weight gain, and duration of breastfeeding. For each 1 kg/m2 increase in pre-pregnancy BMI, there was a 4.5% increase in risk of obesity compared to children with mothers of normal BMI. Children whose mothers had excessive gestational weight gain were 50% more likely to have obesity compared to those whose mothers had ideal weight gain. For each week of additional breastfeeding, there was a 1.9% increased risk of obesity. The risk models did not differ by race. In this model, accounting for pre-pregnancy weight, gestational weight gain, and breastfeeding among a diverse, low-income sample, women with pre-pregnancy overweight and obesity or who had excessive gestational weight gain had the highest risk of early childhood obesity. While breastfeeding is healthy for many reasons, providers should focus on maternal weight-related behaviors when counseling mothers about how to avoid risk of early childhood obesity

Mediating Effects of Positive Thinking and Social Support on Suicide Resilience

Suicide has been the second leading cause of death for 18- to 24-year-olds in the United States since 2011. The stress experienced by undergraduate college students has the potential to increase one’s risk for suicide. Resilience theory was used as a theoretical framework to examine the interplay between risk and protective factors. A cross-sectional and correlational design was used to assess the mediating effects of positive thinking and/or social support on suicide resilience in 131 college students 18 to 24 years old who completed an online survey. The study found an indirect effect of self-esteem on suicide resilience through positive thinking and social support indicating that as self-esteem increases, positive thinking and social support also increase, which leads to an increase in resilience. The study also found a direct effect of self-esteem, positive thinking, and social support on suicide resilience. The findings inform the development of tailored interventions to build suicide resilience in college students

In Search of the Community University Student

Around the first week of school, a young man stayed after class to speak to me, waiting until everyone left. Sam was in his late twenties, early thirties, a serious student in class with a permanent frown as he listened intently. He was worried about comments I had made concerning attendance and he explained that there might be times during the semester when he would have to be absent if his children were sick. He softly added that he was a single father of four small children. Several days later, I had the opportunity to ask him about his family and, as a proud father, he showed me pictures of his children